Ghettos of Dimapur
1. INTRODUCTION
Dimapur is a municipality in the state of Nagaland, India. It is the commercial capital of Nagaland, as well as the headquarters of Dimapur District. The name Dimapur comes from the Kachari dialect. Etymologically di means “river”, ma means “big” and pur means “city”; in effect, the name means “the city near the great river.” “Dimapur” is a later appellation. The Kachari tribe did not have a name for this city, though the Ahoms called it Che-din-chi-pen, or “the brick city”. It was also called Che-dima, meaning “city on the Dima River”. As per the 2001 Census, Dimapur had a population of 110,000. Males constitute 57% of the population and females 43%. Dimapur has an average literacy rate of 71%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 76% and, female literacy is 66%. Apart from the main city, Dimapur has a vast urban sprawl which continues up to the satellite township of Chumukedima, also called Nichuguard. This agglomeration has an estimated population of around 220,000 and is one of the fastest growing Indian cities. Its population has more than tripled in the last two decades.[1]
Railway Colony in Dimapur, as the name itself suggests derives its name from the Dimapur Railway Station located in the vicinity of the said settlement. Railway Colony is a fairly large settlement having an interesting mix of people. It is characterized by sub-standard housing and low-living conditions, the bulk of the population comprising of underprivileged immigrants to Nagaland and claiming citizenship status. Huge influx of legal and illegal immigrants is visible in the area, presence of red-light areas though not officially notified; selling of illicit liquor, street children and child labour is prevalent in these areas. The residents have no access to medical facilities and to a decent education.
Such attributes are reminiscent of a ghetto which commonly labels any poverty-stricken urban area. A ghetto can also be used to denote a settlement of immigrants because most immigrants form a culturally isolated enclave and may choose to remain there or associate with their own group as in this case. A ghetto is an area where people from a specific racial or ethnic background or united in a given culture or religion live as a group, voluntarily or involuntarily, in milder or stricter seclusion. The word historically referred specifically to the Venetian Ghetto in Venice, Italy, where Jews were required to live. The term came into popular, world-wide use during World War II, in reference to Nazi ghettos.[2] Ghetto is also used figuratively to indicate geographic areas with a concentration of any racial or ethnic group, with or without poverty. Railway colony has numerous minuscule sub-colonies, each locale inhabited either by a particular ethnic group or having intermixed local and non-local population. These are Erani Patti, Netaji Colony, Delezie (Dubai) Colony and Grace Colony. Though each of these locales is normally referred to as a proper colony in itself every one of them are confined to small geographical areas. Accordingly, in my assessment I have clubbed all of them into the larger Railway Colony as it engulfs the rest and constituted the above mentioned colonies as sub-colonies. The interesting characteristic is that the non-local population, primarily the immigrants live in social exclusion and the location of these areas are often isolated from its outer worlds.
The Dimapur Railway Station has only one boarding platform and Erani Patti falls adjacent and parallel to the main platform. This sub-colony now lies demolished as the railway station is undergoing expansion. The residents were predominantly Hindus from Rajasthan who arrived in Dimapur around 50-60 years ago and settled near the station which was then a deserted and uninhabited part of town. Delezie colony is commonly referred to as Dubai colony as most the residents are Miyas (Bangladeshi Muslims). The Miyas dwell on Naga-owned land and either live as tenants in rented houses or pay annual land tax. The other sub-colony i.e. Netaji colony is composed of Naga and Hindu populace and are economically better off. Grace colony again consists of Miya inhabitants with considerable Naga presence. Some parts of Grace and Delezie colonies fall on the fringes of the railway tracks close to the station and are indicative of the land grab phenomenon ever prevalent in the area. The larger part of Railway Colony consists of quarters provided by the Railway Department to its staff and employees. Ironically, a number of the employees rent out their quarters and instead reside in temporary thatched houses in the sub-colonies.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The research methodology adopted for this project work is non-doctrinal in nature. The project is the product of a field study conducted in Railway Colony and its contiguous areas of Dimapur city in the state of Nagaland during December 2006- January 2007. The study primarily involved interviews, interactions and discussions with the residents along with an overall survey of the research area.
2. DIMAPUR RAILWAY GHETTO
Railway colony, apart from the interior locales like Netaji colony, falls mostly in the periphery of the rail lines which is presently going through a series of upgradation activities. The settlements contiguous to the station and the tracks are government land on which sub-colonies such as Erani Patti, parts of Grace and Delezie have come into existence. The interesting twist is that the encroached land is owned by Nagas who possess valid pattas issued by the government. Another issue at hand is that most of these dwellers have been residing on the land for relatively long periods even multiple decades. Despite this, the dwellers are not accorded the basic benefits like healthcare facilities, proper water supply, and rehabilitation and resettlement in the event of eviction as had happened in the case of Erani Patti. Both Naga and non-Nagas live in the locality, sharing the realities of economic poverty and the stigma of living in that part of the city. The lives of the Nagas are fairly stable. Many have permanent homes and families in the area have lived there for more than one generation. The non-Nagas in contrast, are much more transient. They live in temporary homes, have few families and are uncertain as to the duration of their stay in Dimapur. Moreover, because of the diversity in the religious backgrounds of the resident population the respective communities have extensively different views of looking at the world.
Approximately around 1000 families live in the area of which about 30% are Nagas and the rest comprises of a heterogeneous mix of non-local population. At a distance of 20 feet from the rail tracks are make-up shift shelters made out of bamboo, ripped tarpaulins, discarded tattered cloth and cardboard. A little bit further from the track are crowded cluster of bamboo shacks, broken-up hard dirt paths littered with garbage, mud and rotting filth. Beyond those, out of sight areas are some solid cement houses and apartment buildings. Insufficiently clothed children run around with bellies protruding, taking care of younger siblings and fighting when they get bored. The colonies have their respective Goan Buras/GBs or Headmen and community leaders who are responsible for the welfare of their colony.
2.1 LAND TENANCY
Grace Colony is the adjoining sub-colony to Erani Patti. It comprises of around 70-80 households of Miya ethnic origin. The Miyas are Bangladeshi Muslims who arrived as refugees to north-east India post the 1971 Indo-Pak war. They first settled in the plains of Assam and from there gradually spread to neighbouring tribal states. The Miyas trace their origins to Bangladesh through their forefathers. Though some Bengali Muslims are of Indian origin, the local populace clubs them in the same category as the Miyas. A good proportion of the residents of this colony are daily labourers, vegetable or fish vendors, or small-time businessmen and their average monthly income may range anywhere between 1000-3000 rupees.
All of them live as tenants on land owned by Nagas and either pay monthly rent or an annual land tax which may be between Rs. 2000-2500. The phenomenon of absentee landlordism is ever prevalent. The majority of the residents have been living for comparatively long periods. While some have lived there for 8-10 years there are others who have inhabited it for around 2 decades. Similar is the case with Delezie colony where the non-local dwellers, including Govt. Railway Police personnel, reside in rented houses owned by Nagas. Tenancy laws provide for conferment of ownership on the tenant by the State, acquisition of ownership by tenants on payment of reasonable compensation, security of tenure and fixation of fair rent. However, there is no such concession for these residents. There are tenancy laws in all the States except Nagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoram.[3] Moreover, Article 371A of the Constitution exempts the state of Nagaland from any act of Parliament pertaining to ownership and transfer of land.[4]
2.2 CITIZENSHIP CLAIMS OF IMMIGRANTS
The area is characterized by a large influx of legal and illegal Bengali immigrants from Bengal, Assam and Bangladesh. The Muslim populations in the area, irrespective of their geographical origins, are referred to as Miyas by the local residents. The large majority of the immigrants contend that they arrived from Assam where they apparently have permanent settlements and legal citizenship status. The Miyas in some districts of Assam are part and parcel of the citizenry having settled there decades earlier. However, the fact remains that Bangladeshi immigrants inhabit the area and are only too eager to disown their parent nation in order to avoid possible deportation. Officially, the Miyas in Dimapur have no legal status and are not entitled to social and welfare benefits of the state government. They constitute the majority of the population in Grace and Delezie colonies. In fact, Delezie colony is usually referred to as “Dubai” colony by the local populace due to the predominance of Miya settlers numbering close to about 100 houses.
Considering the large scale phenomenon of proxy voting in the state, almost all the residents have voted in the recent elections to the Dimapur Municipal Council and the State Assembly. Some are lucky enough to have voter IDs while others don’t have any proof of identification. Residents, especially the non-locals, who have been living in the area for decades now do not posses proof of the duration of their stay as all of them live as tenants. An interesting twist is that all the residents pay annual house tax to the state and to the parallel underground government i.e. Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim (GPRN).[5]
When consulted on the issue of immigration and citizenship status of the non-local residents of the area, the ADC, Dimapur and Municipal Council members were of the opinion that it was not contentious issue. According to them, the year 1963 had been fixed by the state government as the cut-off year for bonafide residence. Technically, those residents who arrived in Dimapur after the said year would be deported or evicted in the event of any notification to that effect.
During the survey, there was a rumour doing the rounds that the GPRN intended to introduce passes to the Miya population in order to check the booming of illegal immigrants in the city. These passes would be subjected to yearly renewal and any non-local found defaulting or without a valid pass would be immediately deported or expelled.
2.3 PUBLIC WORKS
There is hardly any public work in the area. The entire locale falls within Ward 8 of Dimapur Town and the area’s representative to the Dimapur Municipal Council (DMC) is the present Chairperson of the body. However, there is no visible sign of progress or development in the area. According to the colony headmen, connecting paths within the interior areas of the colony were constructed by the residents themselves. The roads are also maintained by the residents and there is no drainage system in place. During the rainy season, open drains overflows and some of the houses in the low-lying areas of the locality are flooded with knee-length deep waters. The DMC under which jurisdiction the area falls was constituted only a few years ago and is still in its nascent stages. Though public works is its primary task, the body is starved of funds according to its members and most of the municipality work is confined to the renovation and face-lifting of market places.
Most of the houses have access to electricity which is usually set up by the landlord. The electricity department has no part to play in this and the landlord charges a monthly amount for the service. The amount may be 100-150 rupees monthly or it may be clubbed with the rent. However, this is not always the case.
Abdul Sattar is a Miya living in Grace Colony for a decade now. He hails from Kampur, Nagaon district in Assam where his forefathers first settled when they left Bangladesh. He has a wife, Rehana Begum and two children. He lives in a rented home owned by a Naga and pays a monthly rent of Rs. 300. Abdul works as a fish seller in the close by Rail Bazar and earns 100-300 rupees on a good day. His house is situated in a low-lying area and during heavy downpours the area gets clogged with water. There is no electricity in his home as he says he cannot afford the initial deposit of Rs. 3000 needed to install a connection.
In the case of Erani Patti, necessary amenities like electricity and water supply are available. They have legal connections with meters installed in their homes some 2 years back but the curious fact is that they have not been paying their electricity dues. Despite this the electricity supply has been consistent. As regards water, there is no municipality provided water supply. The residents draw water from a common well which they say was built by the first settlers i.e. their forefathers. In most of the locales, residents draw water from self-dug wells and hand-pumps. As such there is no water problem.
2.4 HEALTH CARE
According to NGOs which have worked in the area, the majority of the residents are Above Poverty Line (APL). There is no public health centre or dispensary in the area despite the fact that the locality is situated in the heart of the city. Both the Naga and non-Naga population rely on indigenous health care methods. There is inter-ethnic sharing of indigenous of healthcare though its reliability is disputed and skeptical. According to one Naga elder living in the area, during illnesses the first reference is made to a lady named Machochila who belongs to the Ao Naga tribe. Nagaland, being a Christian-dominated state a lot of significance is laid on ‘Faith Healers’ who are well-versed in the Bible. Faith Healers are revered by the residents and rely on prayers and fasting for the recovery of the sick person. Machochila is one such person who also makes traditional medicines for stomach aches and is an adept masseur for bodily pains. In instances such as child-birth, reference is made to a Bengali lady named Deepak who specializes in deliveries and has a reputation of her own. However, she has no medical qualification. Amongst the Miya community, Kobiraz or masseurs who treat bodily pains and minor illnesses are profoundly relied upon. In cases of serious illnesses, residents visit the Government Civil Hospital which is a few blocks away.
Mohammed Yasin Ali is 20 years old and runs a grocery store in Grace Colony. He originally hails from Nagaon district in Assam and has been living in Dimapur for 15 years now. His mother recently passed away of appendix as timely medical treatment was not sought. During the initial stages of the illnesses, his mother was referred to a local Munshi or a witch-doctor who cures people possessed by evil spirits. Time and again, the medication failed and her condition continued deteriorating till she finally breathed her last. There have been no instances of health camps being organized by the government in the area. HIV/ AIDS awareness is at its minimum with residents not aware of the basic knowledge of its transmission and the dangers associated with it.
2.5 MINIMUM WAGES
The Miya population constitutes almost the entire labour force of Dimapur engaged primarily in daily laboring and other menial jobs in the unorganized sector. Most of the non-local population in the area are either self-employed of engaged in unorganized daily wage labouring. The occupation of the residents range from maid-servants, daily labourers, vendors, grocery and paan shop owners, tea-stall owners, painters, sweepers, carpenters, cobblers, etc.
The Minimum Wages Act, 1948 provides that no employer shall pay to workers in certain categories of employments wages at a rate less than the minimum wage prescribed by notification under the Act. The Act provides for fixation / periodic revision of minimum wages in employments where the labour is vulnerable to exploitation. Under the Act, the appropriate Government, both Central and State can fix / revise the minimum wages in such scheduled employments falling in their respective jurisdiction.[6] However, with a surplus of immigrant labour force in the state, wages are more or less determined by forces of demand and supply and employers have a monopoly in wage fixation. Omar Dey, aged 21 years, like many other men and women in the locality, is a daily labourer. His day starts at 6am in the nearby Rail Bazar where he awaits construction middlemen who hire labourers on a day to day work basis. If luck favours him, he is hired in construction work and earns anywhere between Rs. 70-80 for the day.
T. Lanu Jamir is a Contractor whose firm had bagged the contract for extending the railway platform by 155 meters which resulted in the demolition of Erani Patti. He has 15 labourers employed under him of which 4 of them are women. The labourers are hired temporarily on work-charge basis and while the men are paid Rs. 100, the women labourers are paid Rs. 90 for a day’s work. When asked the reason for the disparity in the wages, he says that the women are assigned the lighter work. It is pertinent to note that Article 39[7] of the Constitution envisages equal pay for equal work for both men and women. In this connection, Article 43[8] states that the State shall endeavour to give all workers a living wage and conditions of work ensuring a decent standard of life and full enjoyment of leisure, and social and cultural opportunities. Such provisions in the Constitution are a far cry from the actual ground realities where residents in the area can only dream of having time for leisure and cultural opportunities with a decent standard of living.
3. A TALE OF TWO FAMILIES
Article 19(1) (e)[9] of the Constitution guarantees to the citizens the fundamental freedom of residence and settlement in any part of the territory of India. However, in the context of Erani Patti, the settlement is an encroachment of government land i.e. land belonging to the Railway Ministry. The curious fact is that residents on the encroached land have been living on it for decades altogether due to inaction on part of the local administration and the Railway body. Encroachment of government lands by various individuals has become endemic in Dimapur and the situation has gone out of control in the areas around Railway Colony. Most of the dwellings on the fringes of the rail tracks are government land and the dwellers are unaware of the fact that they may be uprooted at any point of time if the Railway Station undergoes further development which is likely to happen in the near future.
Erani Patti was originally a relatively large settlement comprising of about 22-25 households located along the rail-line leading to the main boarding platform. The jhuggi was demolished in October of 2006 when the Railway Station underwent upgradation and expansion. At present, only two households remain, one belongs to Sayed and his brother’s family and the other to Kishanlal, a Marwari. Most of the dwellers who lost their homes went back to their villages or settled themselves in nearby areas while the unfortunate ones live as pavement and platform dwellers. Despite the fact that the settlement is almost 40-50 years old, the dwellers were not rehabilitated or resettled and no compensation or ex-gratia was paid to any of the evicted dwellers.
Sayed is aged 25 years and his family comprises of his wife, Marzina Begum and two children. He has a brother who is also married with 8 children. Sayed is a Telugu hailing from Sitiamerpet, Nirmal district which falls somewhere near Hyderabad of which he is unsure considering that his family moved to Dimapur some 50 years back in search of a better life. He, along with his brother, earns their living through street magic shows. This trade has been running in the family for generations. His daily income ranges from Rs. 100-150 with which he makes ends meet. However, he is a habitual drinker and spends Rs. 30-35 of his everyday income on the bottle. As we conversed he showed me a few tricks with his pack of cards and a scarf that left me bewildered. The only surviving elderly member in Sayed’s family is his auntie, Chandrawati who now lives as a platform dweller. Aged 52 years, her husband who worked as a cobbler died around 30 years back. Her only son died at the age of 15 years of Tuberculosis and since then she has been living a wretched life. Her nephews cannot support her having their own economic problems to cope with and she survives by either begging or scavenging for food. Sayed and his brother, like many other, live in a ramshackle hut which is already overcrowded and cannot provide shelter to her.
Kishanlal’s family fares no better. He has three brothers and two sisters. Three of the brothers are married having among themselves ten children in all. Their family of 19 members live under one roof. They are Marwaris from Rajgarh in Rajasthan and have been living in Railway Colony for almost 60 years. Kishanlal, who is the eldest male member, works as a cobbler (more specifically shoe-polishing) while one of his brothers sells cheap necklaces in the nearby Rail Bazar. Their daily income also ranges from 100-150 rupees.
T. Lanu Jamir, the Contractor for the expansion of the rail platform tells me that the contract is of 26.83 lakhs and the time frame for the completion of the work is 3 months. Work is going on at a snail’s pace and even after two months half the work has not yet been completed. When asked the reason behind the delay, he tells me that though 8-10 meters for the major work has been cleared but still more dwellings have to be removed for the construction of the rooms and sheds. According to him, the administration is not doing its part in evicting these dwellers and as a result progress has been slowed. However, he is optimistic that work will be completed soon after an extension of the time period as the order for eviction has already been passed. Rehabilitation and resettlement is out of the question for these people as they are not even considered bonafide residents of Dimapur even after decades, as one dweller put it. Sayed’s and Kishanlal’s so-called homes face imminent demolition and it won’t be long before they too join their brethren in the pavements and platforms. But till that fateful day, they are happy to have a shelter and a home.
4. LIQUOR TRADE AND PROSTITUTION
Nagaland, one of the only few states in India which was proudly declared ‘dry state’ by the state government in 1989 and which still claims to be, is in fact not at all “dry”, with liquor both processed and adulterated, doing its rounds comfortably. The aura of this rampant trade can especially be felt in the capital, Kohima and its commercial city, Dimapur where one can easily procure a bottle of preferred choice of drinks from restaurants, ‘mudhu ghars’ and even paan shops. Small-time liquor houses/bars which cater to this need are largely referred to as ‘mudhu ghar’ in the local dialect and are run by locals and non-locals alike.
Grace Colony has a large number of liquor houses run by Miya women which serve local rice beer. I came across a group of 5 women sitting on the rail tracks just beside their liquor house. Earlier, a contractor, working in the area, whom I met, had told me that the women were prostitutes who ran the liquor shops and were hostile to outsiders. Nevertheless, I struck up a conversation with the ladies and their response was not enthusiastic as had usually been the case during my interactions with the other residents. In fact the reaction of one of the ladies by the name Munnu was that people visit the colony, study the area, enquire about their problems but nothing ever materializes in the end. Her attitude was unfriendly and hostile. The reason which later surfaced was that these Miya women were often ostracized by the other residents due to the fact that ran liquor bars and entertained men. The initial dissenting Munnu later turned out to be the most cooperative and understanding amongst the rest and spoke in length about their despair. Ironically, the women are all married with families and their husbands mostly work as rickshaw pullers, daily labourers or cobblers. Due to economic constraints they are forced to run the bars in order to support their families. They do no take much liking to the fact that they are referred to as Bangladeshi Miyas and prefer to be called Indians in all regard. They originally hail from Dorang district in Assam. Their liquor houses are run in rented houses owned by Nagas. They pay an advance of Rs. 500 and a monthly rent of Rs. 300 to the owner to run the place.
The women are constantly harassed by the Railway Police personnel who on occasion’s barge into the bars and break furniture and crockery meant for serving liquor. Time and again they are arrested by the police on some pretext or the other and are then released after furnishing huge bail bonds which is usually borrowed. Deepali, one of the ladies present, narrated an incident which took place a few weeks before on December, 2006 when one of their acquaintances, Khairun Begum died due to trauma and anxiety as a consequence of the event.
It was a clear, pleasant morning in December when their assemblage of 9 women was sitting as usual on the rail tracks awaiting customers when they were accosted by police personnel. On seeing the policemen, Khairun Begum frightened by the sight and unaccustomed to such activity tried to make good an escape. Futile was her attempt and she was caught in the act and manhandled by the cops, angered by her daring move. Consequently, the 9 women were all packed in a police vehicle and taken to the Magistrates’ Court in Dimapur. They were not told for what crime they were being arrested. They were kept inside the vehicle all the while when their case was apparently being taken up by the Magistrate.[10] Finally, they were released at around 4pm in the evening after their husbands furnished a bail bond of Rs. 9000 for their release. Khairun Begum, according to them developed an unusual level of stress and became panic-stricken after the incident. She died a few days after the episode on the 23rd of December and Deepali blames the encounter with the police for her death. Khairun Begum was married with 6 children and aged 37 years. Her husband had passed away some 9 months before her own death. Their children, now orphans, were sent back to their native village to be cared after by relatives, according to Deepali.
The two principal Indian laws that address trafficking and prostitution in particular are the Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Girls Act of 1956 (SITA) and the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act of 1986 (ITPA), colloquially called PITA, an amendment to SITA. Neither law prohibits prostitution per se, but both forbid commercialized vice and soliciting. Although prostitution as such is not prohibited under ITPA, this statute contains nine punishable offenses, including operating a brothel, abetting in brothel keeping, living off brothel earnings, procuring, detaining, activity in vicinity of public places, seducing or soliciting. ITPA also expands police power to prevent trafficking, but at the same time attempts to curb the potential abuse of power by the police during raids- such as verbal, physical and sexual harassment. Whereas SITA empowered a special police officer to conduct a search of any premises without a warrant, ITPA extends these powers to the accompanying trafficking police officers who enter the premises. However, ITPA prohibits male police officers from conducting a search unless accompanied by two female police officers. Interrogation of women and girls also has to be undertaken by female police officers. If this is not possible, the women and girls can be questioned only in the presence of a female member of a recognized welfare organization. Additionally, the act mandates rehabilitation of prostitutes in “protective homes”, shelters or reformatories where education and living facilities are to be provided.[11]
Frequent brushes with law enforcement agencies are an everyday affair for these women who are not even aware of their basic legal rights. Offenses under SITA were bailable, but a woman picked up from the street by the police usually did not have either the money or the influence to keep herself out of custody or free from fines. The bail money was put together by borrowing whatever small amount their fellow brethren were willing to lend. The money lenders in this case are usually the vegetable vendors, paan shop owners or housemaids/servants in the locality who somewhat have a steady source of income. However, interest rates are high being 20% in most cases which is monthly and not annually. The case of Deepali is another tale of woe. She borrowed Rs. 10,000 from a Naga family at 10% interest per month with an added condition that she was to pay the interest amount every month until the primary amount was paid in full. She has hence been paying Rs. 1000 monthly to her creditor and two years have elapsed since then.
The fact is that selling of illicit liquor and prostitution is widespread according to the testimony of the Goan Buras/GBs (Colony Headmen) and NGOs working in the area. Tapu Thurr, aged 44 years of the Pochury Naga tribe is a GB of Grace colony and has been residing in the colony for 10 years now. According to him, most of the mudhu ghars are run by the Nagas. While the liquor houses run by the non-Nagas can be adequately checked and controlled due to the fact that they belong to non-locals, the question of containing the Naga-owned mudhu ghars is out of the question. The GB expressed his dismay over the issue by saying that the liquor houses do not close even on Sundays which is a very sacred day for Christians and is a mockery to Nagaland being a Christian-dominated state. In my interaction with members of the Dimapur Municipal Council about the mushrooming of numerous liquor houses in and around Grace Colony, I was met with the pale response that keeping a check on illicit liquor trade was the duty of the Excise Department and the local police. Despite that, they said the DMC was doing its part by forming a specific committee to check liquor trade which acts in coordination with Dimapur Police.
World Vision India is a Christian humanitarian NGO which had recently worked in the area and runs a charitable school for destitute children. I was told by this NGO that the area is infested with commercial sex workers and there was a move to notify the area as a red-light area by the district administration but the plan never materialized. I was informed that it was usually the commercial sex workers who ran the liquor houses. It arose from their study that homeless and orphaned young girls engaged in prostitution and there were cases where a number of them were also into drugs. When asked about prostitution in his area, Tapu Thurr casually remarked that there were rumours that non-local women were involved in prostitution. He narrated an incident when a Naga woman prostitute was publicly flogged by the residents for leading an immoral life. Since then the incidence of prostitution activities have somewhat died down. However, Samuel Therie of World Vision maintains that both Nagas and non-Nagas alike are involved as commercial sex workers. According to him, sex workers in Dimapur do not restrict themselves to particular areas. This is due to the fear that they might be caught by the morally-staunch residents and subjected to humiliation or beaten for not adhering to the Christian way of life. Also, they fall easy prey to the local police who arrest them for no rhyme or reason. In most cases, the sex workers are heavily fined by the police under the threat of imprisonment.
5. CONCLUSION
Dimapur is purported to be one of the fastest growing cities in India, its population having more than tripled in the last two decades. In such circumstances, large scale immigration has become imminent and settlements such as the ghettos in and around Railway Colony have started mushrooming in a big way. The life in these ghettos of Erani Patti, Grace, Netaji and Delezie or ‘Dubai’ colonies are one of social exclusion wherein residents confine themselves within their own community and remain isolated from the outside world. This is especially the case with the immigrants i.e. the Miyas who are satisfied with their hand to mouth existence with little or no social or cultural interaction with members of other communities. It must also be noted that the Naga and Hindu populace in these locales detest the Miyas to such an extent that there is no major meeting point amongst them. It is the social and economic backwardness of the area and its residents that serves as the common benchmark for these communities. Marriages are usually restricted to within the same community. Inter-ethnic marriages do take place but is strictly prohibited by customary norms and practices. If a Naga enters into wedlock with a Miya, it would even amount to excommunication and ostracism from the Naga community. The area is void of any visible public works and healthcare facilities. The non-local residents have no tenancy rights and lack social security. Though all the residents claim bonafide status as citizens of Dimapur and most of them vote in the elections, their citizenship is skeptical as the residents usually lack documents to prove their claims. This, coupled with the everyday influx of new immigrants into the area, overcrowding and congestion is the scenario. Liquor trade and prostitution is evident in the area considering the economic constraints of the dwellers. The state machinery and the municipality are apathetic in their dealings with developmental issues in these areas. Legal issues relating to minimum wages, rehabilitation, resettlement, child labour, public works and healthcare are not addressed and implemented due to the ignorance of the residents and the concerned authority’s utter lack of conviction and determination in this regard.
[1] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dimapur
[2] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ghetto
[3] http://www.education.nic.in/cd50years/15/8P/81/8P810202.htm
[4] Special Provision with respect to the State of Nagaland: (1)Notwithstanding anything in this constitution-
a. No Act of parliament in respect of-
i.) Religious or social practices of the Nagas,
ii.) Naga customary law and procedure,
iii.) Administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to Naga customary law,
iv.) Ownership and transfer of land and its resources. Shall apply to state of Nagaland unless the Legislative Assembly of Nagaland by a resolution so decides.
[5] The GPRN is the civil wing of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) and it is an operational body having its own set of functionaries and workers. The NSCN is an insurgent organization fighting against the Indian Union for an independent homeland of Nagalim.
[6] http://labourbureau.nic.in/MW%202k3%20Introduction.htm
[7] Article 39 (Directive Principles of State Policy)- The State shall, in particular, direct its policy towards securing- (a) that the citizens, men and women equally, have the right to an adequate means of livelihood; and (d) that there is equal pay for equal work for both men and women.
[8] Article 43 (Directive Principles of State Policy)- The State shall endeavour, by suitable legislation or economic organization or in any other way, to give all workers, agricultural, industrial or otherwise, work, a living wage, conditions of work ensuring a decent standard of life and full enjoyment of leisure, and social and cultural opportunities.
[9] Article 19 (Right to freedom) – (1) (e) All citizens shall have the right to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India.
[10] Section 50 of CrPC, 1973: Person arrested to be informed of grounds of arrest and of right to bail.- (1) Every police officer or other person arresting any person without warrant shall forthwith communicate to him full particulars of the offence for which he is arrested or other grounds for such arrest. (2) Where a police officer arrests without warrant any person other than a person accused of a non-bailable offence, he shall inform the person arrested that he is entitled to be released on bail and that he may arrange for sureties on his behalf.
[11] http://hrw.org/about/projects/womrep/General-148.htm
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